Elara is a passionate writer and innovation coach, sharing her expertise to help others unlock their creative potential.
In today's Britain, protest has ceased to be a fundamental right. Rather, it has become a conditional permission that authorities grant or withhold at their discretion. This represents the underlying meaning of proposed measures that the current government is advancing, which would determine the timing and location protests can take place, with possible imprisonment for those who disobey these limitations.
Earlier administrations had already weakened this fundamental freedom: the former Conservative government had given law enforcement sweeping additional powers, which global rights bodies had condemned as "significant and unjustified restrictions" on democratic freedoms. Taken together, these incremental attacks on freedom have practically eliminated the historically earned right to freedom of protest.
The most recent limitations are being justified by citing last week's heinous antisemitic assault on a Manchester mosque. There should be widespread consensus that the security of Jewish communities in Britain must be protected. However, using this atrocity as a justification to stifle dissent is not only unrelated to that duty but distorts it.
"If you cannot set boundaries at genocide, you likely can't draw the line at democracy," observed a prominent American author, a statement that rings true for the present administration.
Consider Britain's long tradition of public demonstration and direct action against racism and fascism, from the 1936 Battle of Cable Street to postwar Jewish groups opposing fascism and the 1970s mobilizations against the far-right organization. Many of these early protesters were branded as radicals in their era, even while they were advocating the freedoms of marginalized groups.
In the current complex situation, here's what's actually happening: Israel – a foreign state – is committing what United Nations investigations have described as systematic destruction. Its military actions have led the International Criminal Court to issue legal indictments against Israel's prime minister and his former defense minister.
International public opinion has changed significantly against Israel's violent actions. In Britain, a substantial majority of citizens believe Israel has likely committed international law violations. Most people would endorse a total prohibition on weapons exports to the nation, and approve the detention of Netanyahu.
Having essentially failed the public debate, pro-Israel advocates are now exploiting a despicable anti-Jewish attack to try to suppress a popular campaign against a ethical disaster. The British government seems included in this effort. Ministers have not enacted extensive restrictions on Israel and have permitted weapon shipments to proceed.
People who are protesting against the destruction of Gaza have been labeled as hateful extremists. Yet there's a important factor why there hasn't been a broader suppression on these protesters until now: extremely few protesters have made genuinely hateful statements about Jewish people, giving police authorities minimal reason to take action.
Equating Jewish heritage with the actions of the Israeli state is not only cynical but also harmful. The standard interpretation of anti-Jewish prejudice, adopted by the British government and numerous institutions, has been appropriately challenged for potentially stifling legitimate criticism of Israel. However, there should be universal agreement about one of its key examples: that "making Jewish people collectively responsible for decisions of the state of Israel" constitutes antisemitism.
This is why we've reached a point where police authorities can propose that protests criticizing Israel's actions should be canceled because they might "inadvertently or intentionally" endorse anti-Jewish sentiment. Similarly, political figures have stated that acknowledgment of Palestinian statehood has made political parties "implicated" in alleged abuse faced by British Jews.
On the very day as the religious center assault, the Israeli military killed dozens of Palestinian civilians in Gaza – adding to the horrific toll from 24 months of ongoing violence that have claimed tens of thousands of human lives. British political leaders and news organizations have barely concealed the limited value they attach to Palestinian existence. This represents one of the most brazen demonstrations of racism in contemporary society.
Our government has already crossed a dangerous threshold by banning Palestine Action, a peaceful, human rights-focused activist collective. Thousands of British protesters have been arrested, mostly for carrying signs opposing genocide and supporting the banned organization. Many of those detained are elderly citizens; among them a retired priest and the child of a World War II genocide survivor.
It's not difficult to see where this path leads. In the United States, political leaders helped demonize demonstrations supporting Palestine: a ex-political leader suggested that some were "connected to" other nations, while the sitting leader characterized such protests as anti-Jewish. In taking these actions, they contributed to normalizing the authoritarian crackdown on such demonstrations – and on freedom of expression in general.
If a conservative administration comes to power, it would be granted sweeping powers to suppress opposition. What might a new administration do with this restrictive framework? Our forebears fought, endured hardship and died to secure our liberties. We may eventually rue how easily we permitted them to be eroded.
Elara is a passionate writer and innovation coach, sharing her expertise to help others unlock their creative potential.
Carl Goodwin
Carl Goodwin
Carl Goodwin
Carl Goodwin